Enquiry Article

For Blackness men, beingness alpine increases threat stereotyping and law stops

See all Hide authors and affiliations

  1. Edited past Jennifer A. Richeson, Yale Academy, New Oasis, CT, and approved January 24, 2022 (received for review August 22, 2017)

Loading

Significance

Young Black men are stereotyped as threatening, which can have grave consequences for interactions with police force. We prove that these threat stereotypes are even greater for tall Black men, who face up greater discrimination from police officers and elicit stronger judgments of threat. We challenge the assumption that height is intrinsically good for men. White men may benefit from height, merely Black men may not. More broadly, we demonstrate how demographic factors (e.g., race) can influence how people interpret physical traits (due east.g., height). This difference in interpretation is a affair not of magnitude but of meaning: The same trait is positive for some groups of people merely negative for others.

Abstract

Height seems beneficial for men in terms of salaries and success; however, past enquiry on height examines only White men. For Black men, height may be more costly than beneficial, primarily signaling threat rather than competence. Three studies reveal the downsides of height in Black men. Study ane analyzes over 1 meg New York Police Department end-and-frisk encounters and finds that tall Black men are especially probable to receive unjustified attention from police. And then, studies 2 and 3 experimentally demonstrate a causal link between perceptions of height and perceptions of threat for Black men, particularly for perceivers who endorse stereotypes that Black people are more than threatening than White people. Together, these information reveal that height is sometimes a liability for Black men, peculiarly in contexts in which threat is salient.

  • racial stereotyping
  • height
  • threat
  • person perception
  • intersectionality

"When y'all deal with the law, y'all must be careful. You are big and they will automatically see you as a threat." — Charles Coleman, Jr. (6′4″ Black attorney/writer), quoting his mother

Charles Coleman, Jr. evoked his female parent'south warning when he wrote almost Eric Garner, an unarmed homo high-strung to decease past police force. Garner was both Black and 6′3″ tall. Coleman highlights the perils of "occupying a Black body that is inherently threatening," arguing that tall Black men receive asymmetric attention from police officers (i). This argument evokes the "black brute" archetype, which portrays Blackness men as apelike savages who apply their imposing physical frame to threaten others (2, 3). Although Blackness men face stereotypes of aggression and threat (iv⇓–vi), tall Black men may detect themselves perceived as especially threatening.

The idea that summit has negative consequences contrasts with previous psychological research on meridian in men, which argues that taller is better. Enquiry finds that tall men seem healthier, more intelligent, more successful, and more physically attractive (7⇓–9). Tall men likewise stand a greater chance of existence hired (10), making more money (eleven, 12), gaining promotions (13, 14), and winning leadership positions (seven, 15).

However, this enquiry almost exclusively explores perceptions of White men (Table S1), who are already positively stereotyped equally competent and intelligent (xvi, 17). On the other hand, Black men are negatively stereotyped; they are seen every bit hostile, aggressive, and threatening (due east.yard., refs. 17⇓ ⇓–20) and are associated with guns (4, v). For Blackness men, height may be more than often interpreted as a sign of threat instead of competence.

Thus, existence alpine may not exist inherently skilful or bad for men. Instead, the accessibility of other traits, such as competence and threat, may influence how people interpret height. Archetype work in social psychology demonstrates similar effects: Whether a target is initially described as "warm" or "common cold" changes how people interpret the target's other traits (e.g., intelligent, industrious) (21). Considerable research demonstrates that Black men are specifically stereotyped as physically threatening and imposing (22, 23). For this reason, height may impact judgments of threat more strongly for Black men than for White men.

The Present Research

In iii studies, nosotros examination whether taller Black men are judged as more threatening than shorter Black men and than both taller and shorter White men. We start examined whether New York Metropolis police force officers disproportionately stopped and frisked tall Black men from 2006 to 2013 (report i). We then investigated whether pinnacle increases threat judgments more for Black men than for White men by manipulating height both visually (study 2) and descriptively (written report 3).

Cultural Stereotypes Pilot

Earlier conducting these iii studies, we first conducted a pilot examining participants' knowledge of cultural stereotypes, testing whether participants endorse knowledge of stereotypes that tall Black men are seen as especially threatening and tall White men are seen every bit peculiarly competent. Results showed that cultural stereotypes of threat are increased by tallness more for Blackness targets than for White targets and, conversely, that cultural stereotypes of competence are increased past tallness more for White targets than for Black targets. Total reporting for this pilot is provided in Pilot Written report: Cultural Stereotypes Almost Summit and Race; a graph summarizing the results is shown in Fig. S1.

Results

Study i: New York Police Section Stop-and-Frisk.

In 2013, Judge Shira Scheindlin of the Federal District Court in New York ruled that the New York Constabulary Department's (NYPD's) end-and-frisk plan was unconstitutional because of its articulate history of racial discrimination (24). Black and Hispanic people faced asymmetric odds of being stopped by police officers, despite the fact that this "racial profiling" was ineffective. In study 1 nosotros tested whether alpine Black men were especially likely to be stopped by NYPD officers.

Earlier analysis, we cleaned the dataset and made three restrictions. (i) We only used information for non-Hispanic Blackness and White males, avoiding issues with different distributions of height in the population (i.due east., Hispanics are shorter than non-Hispanics; women are shorter than men). (ii) We restricted our data to include only people between 5′4″ and half-dozen′4″. This range in pinnacle includes over 98% of Blackness and White males and prevents outliers (particularly those created by clerical errors) from influencing our results. (3) We restricted our data to include only people of weights between 100 and 400 lb to forestall outliers created by clerical errors.

Contempo piece of work demonstrates that immature Black men are perceived as taller and more threatening than young White men, controlling for actual height (22). To account for the alternate caption that police officers simply perceived Black men equally taller than White men (25), we analyzed merely cases in which suspects provided photographic identification, which almost always lists height alongside other information that cannot exist guessed or estimated, such as engagement of nascence (thus making it highly probable that officers record the listed value for superlative, rather than estimating it) (26). These restrictions left united states with one,073,536 valid targets for analysis.

The stop-and-frisk dataset is large and includes numerous potential dependent variables. For our assay, we focus on police officers' decisions to stop individuals, as this determination is made before any interactions with police, making information technology more reliant on person perception (27). We recognize the potential issue of flexible analyses and partly address this issue by estimating standardized event sizes for many variables, which allows comparison of the relative magnitude of furnishings (specially given that the sample size is large enough to allow authentic estimation of effect size).

We deemed for target weight and the interaction of top and weight to isolate height as a predictor (12). Furthermore, to address an ecological explanation for race effects (28), nosotros nested our data within precinct (to account for variability in geographical factors such as crime charge per unit and country value), included precinct-level felony rates (from 2005–2013), and likewise included a variable in which officers study whether the finish was fabricated in a high-crime area. Finally, because some research suggests that only immature Black men are stereotyped as threatening (29), we include historic period and the interaction betwixt tiptop and historic period in our model.

Ratio of Black to White stops.

Under terminate-and-frisk rules, police officers had the authority to stop anyone they deemed suspicious or threatening. If tall Blackness men seem especially threatening, and then the ratio of Black to White stops (i.e., how many Black men are stopped per White human) should increment with height.

Accounting for precinct-level felonies, weight, historic period, and perceived local crime, summit yet showed a meaningful main effect, B = 0.079, t(one,073,526) = 23.98, P < 0.001, 95% CI [0.070, 0.085]. At 5′4″, constabulary stopped iv.5 Blackness men for every White man; at five′10″, police stopped 5.3 Black men for every White human being; and at half-dozen′4″, police stopped 6.2 Black men for every White man. These results suggest that taller Blackness men face a greater adventure of being stopped than shorter Black men.

Notably, the ratio of Blackness to White stops was as well greater for heavier men, B = 0.041, t(1,073,526) = xi.80, P < 0.001, 95% CI [0.035, 0.048]. At 115 lb, law stopped four.5 Black men for every White man; at 175 lb (the average weight in the dataset), police stopped 5.2 Blackness men for every White human being; and at 235 lb, police stopped 5.seven Black men for every White human. Finally, height and weight interacted, B = 0.047, t(1,073,526) = 15.71, P < 0.001, 95% CI [0.041, 0.053], such that each 1-SD increase in weight increases the standardized effect of height past 0.047. Because weight estimates were not provided on photograph IDs (futurity, "photo IDs"), we translate these results with caution.

We likewise found effects for other variables in the model. Unsurprisingly, areas with more than criminal offence, as reported by police and captured in precinct-level information, exhibit higher ratios of Blackness to White stops. The ratio of Black to White stops was besides larger for younger men. Interestingly, height and age interacted, such that height'due south result on the ratio of Black to White stops was larger for older Black men. Run across Table S2 for the full coefficients and a replication of results with both photo and verbal IDs included.

Discussion.

Written report 1 demonstrates that tall Blackness men receive asymmetric attention from police force officers. During 8 y of NYPD'south finish-and-frisk program, tall Blackness men were particularly likely to face unjustified stops past police officers, and these patterns were not explained by biased peak estimates (since officers received photo IDs).

In the next two studies, nosotros test whether these results might be explained by an interaction betwixt race and meridian, such that tallness primarily increases perceptions of threat for Black men and primarily increases perceptions of competence for White men.

Report 2: Manipulating Height with Perspective.

We experimentally manipulated peak and race to exam whether they interact to influence judgments of threat and competence. To manipulate acme, we took photographs of sixteen immature men—viii Blackness and eight White—from two perspectives: above the target and below the target. These different perspectives naturalistically manipulated the experience of encountering someone who is tall or brusque. A manipulation check indicated that perspective significantly influenced participants' free response estimates of target height, b = 1.78, F(one, 427) = 16.42, P < 0.001, 95% CI [0.91, 2.65], such that targets that were looking down were perceived as taller [mean (1000) = 71.half dozen in.] than targets that were looking upwardly (M = 69.8 in.). See Method for a more detailed clarification of the perspective manipulation.

Participants rated 16 photographs for adjectives describing both threat and competence. And then, because we expected judgments to depend on participants' individual beliefs about Black and White people, nosotros assessed participants' beliefs that Black people are more threatening than White people. We predicted that stronger behavior about Blackness threat (BaBT) would increase participants' tendency to identify tall Black men every bit especially threatening. Nosotros as well tested the complementary hypothesis that stronger BaBT might make tall White men seem especially competent. We preregistered these predictions at https://aspredicted.org/465w9.pdf. We also previously conducted another study with a nearly identical blueprint; the results of this study are detailed in Previous Iteration of Study 2.

Race, meridian, and racial stereotypes.

To test whether those with higher BaBT would judge alpine Black men every bit especially threatening, we fit a three-way multilevel model predicting threat with race, height, and BaBT. This analysis yielded an expected two-way interaction between target race and BaBT, b = 0.19, F(1, 437) = 61.40, P < 0.001, 95% CI [0.14, 0.23], such that those higher in BaBT rated Blackness men as more threatening relative to White men. Chiefly, this analysis also yielded the key three-style interaction, b = 0.15, F(one, 2,081) = 10.97, P = 0.001, 95% CI [0.06, 0.24]. No moderating result of participant gender emerged (Fig. i).

For Blackness targets, the two-mode interaction between pinnacle and BaBT was meaning, b = 0.12, t(833) = iii.67, P < 0.001, 95% CI [0.06, 0.19]: Those higher in BaBT saw tall blackness men every bit particularly threatening. For White targets, this ii-way interaction was not meaning, b = −0.03, t(834) = −0.83, P = 0.41, 95% CI [−0.09, 0.04]. These results advise that the predictive utility of BaBT is moderated by tiptop for stereotype-relevant targets (Black men) but not for stereotype-irrelevant targets (White men). Run into Additional Analyses for Study 2 for BaBT principal furnishings by race and summit.

Although BaBT captures the endorsement of stereotypes about threat and not competence, we all the same tested for a three-way interaction with competence ratings. We found an expected ii-way interaction between target race and BaBT, b = 0.16, F(1, 459) = 70.27, P < 0.001, 95% CI [0.eleven, 0.xx], such that those higher in BaBT rated White men equally more competent relative to Blackness men. We as well found a three-mode interaction, b = 0.12, F(ane, 1,097) = vii.52, P = 0.006, 95% CI [0.03, 0.xx], such that BaBT predicted competence especially strongly for tall White men. Participant gender did non moderate effects. This interaction is further broken downwardly statistically (Additional Analyses for Study two) and graphically (Fig. S2).

Suppressed tiptop effects.

Top did non increase threat for White men, nor did it increase competence for Black men. Even so, our airplane pilot written report revealed principal effects of height on stereotypes of both competence and threat. One possible caption for this zippo finding is that, for judgments of tall White men, perceived competence suppressed gains in threat, and, for judgments of tall Blackness men, perceived threat suppressed gains in competence. Because we institute significant race past peak interactions for both threat and competence at mean levels of BaBT, nosotros were able to conduct Sobel mediations using the entire sample to test these hypotheses.

For White targets, we found a negative indirect outcome of height on threat, ab = −0.04, z = −four.30, P < 0.001; beingness taller makes targets seem more competent and thus less threatening. Once this indirect effect was accounted for, summit no longer decreased threat for White men, b = −0.05, t(1,406) = −ane.xl, P = 0.xvi. Conversely, for Black targets, we institute a negative indirect effect of top on competence, ab = −0.09, z = −6.07, P < 0.001; existence taller makes targets more than threatening and thus less competent. Notably, once this indirect event was deemed for, height increased perceived competence for Black targets, b = 0.09, t(1,406) = 2.75, P = 0.006, suggesting that meridian may be beneficial for Black men in contexts that sufficiently nullify concerns near threat (eastward.g., the corporate boardroom).

Discussion.

Written report 2 experimentally demonstrates that height amplifies threat for Black men and competence for White men, specially for perceivers who endorse beliefs that Black people are more than threatening than White people. Written report two as well plant indirect negative furnishings of acme on competence for Black men and threat for White men.

Written report 3: Manipulating Superlative with Descriptions.

Although the photographs from study ii have naturalistic validity, they may also confound height with intimidation (30). We accost this concern by manipulating height with text vignettes (e.one thousand., "Every bit you arroyo each other, you tin encounter that he is very brusque/quite tall") and manipulating race with standardized photographs. See Textual Descriptions of Elevation Used in Study 3 for text descriptions of peak.

Participants rated sixteen targets on the aforementioned threat and competence adjectives used in report 2. They then completed the BaBT scale. Every bit in the previous experiment, we predicted that those higher in BaBT would make especially strong threat judgments for tall Black men and specially stiff competence judgments for tall White men. We preregistered these predictions at https://aspredicted.org/sp3aj.pdf.

Race, height, and racial stereotypes.

Nosotros again fit a multilevel model predicting threat with race, height, and BaBT. Nosotros replicated the fundamental findings of report ii; those higher in BaBT rated Black men every bit more than threatening relative to White men, b = 0.15, F(1, 374) = 30.83, P < 0.001, 95% CI [0.10, 0.20], and this effect was especially large for tall Black men, b = 0.sixteen, F(one, 1,548) = 9.04, P = 0.003, 95% CI [0.06, 0.27]. Participant gender did not moderate effects (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2.

  • Download effigy
  • Open in new tab
  • Download powerpoint

Fig. ii.

Study 3 ratings of threat by race, height, and BaBT. Positive values bespeak behavior that Blackness people are more threatening than White people; negative values indicate beliefs that White people are more than threatening than Blackness people.

We also replicated the competence results of study 2: Those college in BaBT rated White men as more competent relative to Blackness men, b = 0.11, F(1, 320) = xx.36, P < 0.001, 95% CI [0.05, 0.17], and this issue was especially large for tall White men, b = 0.10, F(1, 1,518) = 3.78, P = 0.052, 95% CI [−0.00, 0.20]. No moderating outcome of participant gender emerged. Come across Boosted Analyses for Study 3 for the breakdown of both the threat and competence interactions.

Give-and-take.

Written report three addressed stimuli concerns from report two and again demonstrated that, for those higher in BaBT, tall Black men seem peculiarly threatening compared with short Black men and both short and tall White men.

General Discussion

In three studies, we showed that taller is not ever better; although tall White men may benefit from increased perceptions of competence, tall Black men are encumbered with increased perceptions of threat. We offset revealed that NYPD police officers stopped alpine Black men at a disproportionately high rate (study 1). Nosotros then demonstrated that, for perceivers who endorse stereotypes that Black people are more threatening than White people, alpine Black men seem especially threatening (studies 2 and 3).

Previous enquiry has amply demonstrated that people may interpret traits and behaviors as positive or negative depending on the accessibility of other concepts. For example, a classic study revealed that a target's ambiguous actions are negatively evaluated when participants are outset primed with hostility-related traits (versus kindness-related traits) (31). Racial stereotypes change the accessibility of traits during person perception, which influences how people interpret other traits—in this instance, height. For people who already perceive Black men every bit threatening, height confers extra threat.

Our findings have important implications when considered alongside contempo research demonstrating that immature Black men are perceived every bit taller and more muscular than young White men of equivalent size, which causes them to also seem more threatening to non-Black participants (22). The present findings propose that the negative consequences of these biased tiptop perceptions (i.eastward., increased threat perceptions) hinge on how strongly the perceiver believes that Blackness people are threatening (thus interpreting height equally a sign of threat).

Top may also interact with more subtle cues of race, such as Afrocentric features (32, 33), and the effect of height may be determined by contextual cues. Once we controlled for perceived threat in study 2, taller Black men were actually perceived every bit more than competent than shorter Black men. When competence is conspicuously more relevant than threat, Blackness men may also benefit from summit. Alternately, Black men may also do good from summit if they possess other traits that reduce threat, such every bit babyfacedness (34).

More broadly, these results highlight the importance of intersections between social categories and concrete traits. Just equally social categories such as race, gender, historic period, and socioeconomic status intersect in important ways with each other (35, 36), and so too do they influence the impact of physical factors such as height (37), weight (38), babyfacedness (34), and facial bewitchery (39).

We recognize that our findings do not necessarily generalize to perceptions of women. Nosotros limited our targets to men because law profiling and threatening stereotypes both target Blackness males. Yet, future research should investigate whether the aforementioned race–top interactions apply for women. Previous work indicates that White women enjoy at least some of the same benefits of height as White men (7), just no work to appointment has investigated the furnishings of height for perceptions of Black women.

We too recognize the potential role of weight in perceptions of threat. Consequent with others' previous work (22, 25), our terminate-and-frisk analyses suggest that weight also plays a key function in judgments of suspicion. Because of accuracy concerns well-nigh the weight estimates, which may accept been biased (22), and the relatively large effect size of peak, we chose to focus on height; however, futurity work should further investigate how height and weight combine with categories such every bit race and gender to influence judgments.

Being tall is often discussed as a wholly good trait, so much so that Randy Newman wrote a satirical song that lists reasons why "brusk people got no reason to alive." However, tiptop means something different for Black men: Height amplifies already problematic perceptions of threat, which can lead to harassment and even injury. When Charles Coleman, Jr.'south mother told him that he "was big and they would automatically see [him] as a threat," she eloquently summarized what we empirically showed—for Black men, existence alpine may be less a boon and more a burden.

Method

The Academy of N Carolina Institutitional Review Board (IRB) canonical studies two and three as well as the airplane pilot study. Participants in these studies indicated consent electronically and received debriefing at the end of the studies. Report 1 did non use human being subjects and required no IRB blessing.

Study 1 data are available at www1.nyc.gov/site/nypd/stats/reports-analysis/stopfrisk.page. Information for the pilot study, study two, and study 3 are available in Supporting Information.

Study 1.

Nosotros combined 8 y of publicly available information (2006–2013) documenting the NYPD'due south stop-and-frisk programme. These information include information about every person stopped as role of the program, including race, age, gender, height, weight, and whether the person was frisked, searched, arrested, or issued a summons. Notably, nosotros only analyzed stops in which officers received photo ID, ensuring the relative accuracy of the reported elevation and age (26).

We cleaned the data past filtering cases with clear errors (i.e., a large number of people had ages of 99 y or higher, or nascency years of 1900). We too restricted the dataset to not-Hispanic Black and White males. Past focusing on non-Hispanic Black and White males, we minimized problems of distribution: Adult Black and White males take near identical means and distributions of pinnacle (forty).

Study 2.

Participants and pattern.

Two hundred participants (73% White, vi% Blackness, 42% women, Grand age = 36 y) completed a 2 × 2 [Target Race: Black, White by Target Perspective: Looking Down (Tall), Looking Upwards (Brusque)] inside-subjects study. With due north = 200 at level ii and n = 16 at level ane and a subject slope variance of 0.39, we had ∼88% power to detect a small cross-level interaction (41).

Materials.

Creating stimuli to manipulate height and race.

To create stimuli, we photographed sixteen male students from the University of North Carolina. Eight students were White, and eight were Blackness. We photographed each student from two perspectives: looking up and looking downwards. We intended to manipulate perceived top: If someone is looking downwards on y'all, they are probable taller, just if they are looking upward at you, they are likely shorter. This perspective manipulation allowed us to manipulate height in a inside-subjects design, addressing both power and stimulus sampling issues (42). In particular, our attention to stimulus sampling reduces the likelihood that our furnishings were driven by the traits of a particular photograph and minimizes the possibility that small variations in luminance or target size explicate our effects (42). See Fig. 3 for examples of stimuli.

Fig. 3.

  • Download figure
  • Open in new tab
  • Download powerpoint

Fig. three.

2 of the 16 male students whose photographs were used in study 2. The men in the photographs on the left (looking down) were perceived as taller than the same men in the photographs on the correct (looking up).

To cheque whether our manipulation of height actually worked, nosotros predicted the estimated acme of each target by target perspective. The analysis revealed a main effect of target perspective on estimated acme, b = 1.78, F(one, 427) = xvi.42, P < 0.001, 95% CI [0.91, 2.65], such that targets who were looking down were perceived equally taller (M = 71.half-dozen in.) than targets who were looking up (M = 69.8 in.). Nosotros plant no main effect of race, b = −0.39, F(1, 427) = 0.eighty, P = 0.37, 95% CI [−1.26, 0.48], although we did discover a race by perspective interaction, b = 1.77, F(1, ii,322) = 4.12, P = 0.043, 95% CI [0.06, 3.48], such that perspective had a larger effect for Black targets. Simple main effects show that Black looking-upward targets were perceived as one.3 in. shorter than White looking-upwards targets, b = −one.27, t(899) = 2.05, P = 0.041, 95% CI [−2.49, −0.05]. The difference between Blackness and White looking-down targets was not significant, b = 0.49, t(3,018) = 0.fourscore, P = 0.42, 95% CI [−0.72, 1.72].

BaBT.

Participants answered questions adjusted from the General Social Survey (gss.norc.org/). We used these questions considering they are less confounded with political beliefs than other scales (43) and straight target stereotypes of Black threat. Participants provided their attitudes toward Black, Hispanic, and White people on seven-point bipolar scales for "nonviolent/violent," "nonthreatening/threatening," "nonaggressive/ambitious," and "not unsafe/dangerous." Questions about Hispanic targets were included to subtract the focus on Black and White targets and reduce the issue of social desirability on responses.

To create an index variable representing participants' BaBT, nosotros subtracted participants' attitudes about White targets from their attitudes about Black targets to capture the relative deviation in participants' attitudes (assertive Blacks are more fierce than Whites) rather than their overall attitudes (believing people are more often than not tearing regardless of race). So, we averaged the 4 difference scores together.

Procedure.

Participants rated sixteen photographs of college-anile males on five traits: competent, likable, attractive, threatening, and aggressive. These photographs were counterbalanced, such that each target was seen by half of the participants equally looking up and by the other half equally looking down. The first detail captured competence, and the final 2 items captured threat. We initially included "likable" and "bonny" equally competence items but removed them equally suggested by reviewers and the editor; this change did non influence our results. Participants besides estimated the height of each target, in inches. After completing these ratings, participants completed the BaBT scale.

Analytic strategy.

We again accounted for between-participant variance by using hierarchical linear modeling, with responses nested within participants. Nosotros allowed slopes to vary for both race and perspective manipulations to provide a more precise model and allow cantankerous-level interaction with BaBT.

Study 3.

Participants and design.

Two hundred eight participants (75% White, 10% Black, 61% women, M historic period = 38 y) completed a two × 2 (Target Race: Black, White by Described Summit: Tall, Short) within-subjects written report. This study sought to replicate the three-way interaction of report 2 with stimuli that more specifically manipulate height. With n = 208 at level 2 and n = 8 at level 1 and a subject slope variance of 0.28, nosotros had ∼90% ability to detect a minor cross-level interaction (41).

Materials and procedure.

To manipulate race, nosotros used 20 Black male and xx White male person faces from the Chicago Face Database (44). These faces were called based on age; all targets were between 21 and 29 y old. To dispense peak, we described an encounter with each target in which the target was either taller or shorter than the participant. Participants rated viii targets using the same competence and threat items as in study two. Participants then completed the BaBT scale. The analytic strategy was identical to that of study ii.

Preregistration Details.

We annotation a few points of discrepancy between our preregistrations and the presented results. (i) The study 2 preregistration did not include the specific hypothesis that people higher in BaBT would approximate tall White men as particularly competent. (2) The study iii preregistration notes the inclusion of BaBT as a potential moderator only does not explicitly land the specific hypotheses. (3) The specific traits used in the "competence" and "threat" composites were not listed in the preregistrations.

Acknowledgments

Nosotros give thanks Lindsey Helms for creating images for study two and Alexander Aspuru for copyediting.

Footnotes

  • Author contributions: North.H. and K.One thousand. designed research; North.H. performed research; N.H. analyzed data; and Due north.H. and K.M. wrote the newspaper.

  • The authors declare no disharmonize of involvement.

  • This article is a PNAS Straight Submission.

  • This article contains supporting information online at world wide web.pnas.org/lookup/suppl/doi:10.1073/pnas.1714454115/-/DCSupplemental.